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“Focus on what you do good for your district, what you do good for the city and how you’ve kept the city out of lawsuits,” Hogg wrote. “You will gain more supporters by doing good things and that will outweigh the minority that will hold [one] item over your head … and lastly, follow the money. These individuals [complaining] don’t donate to anyone’s campaign or hold signs. But guess who does? Developers and Builders!”

What’s more, Hogg told his colleagues he knew of seven different developers actively monitoring the situation as it unfolded for The Townes at Clearlake, saying the unnamed forces had been inquiring about potential candidates to run during the next municipal election cycle in 2025.

Fast-forward to mid-February, when the Northport City Council approved entering a public-private partnership with University Beach, LLC, for a resort-style mixed-use development expected to bring in a stunning $350 million in capital investment — an astronomical evolution from the original concept of a $20 million, Fayette-style water park.

ALSO READ: COLUMN | The True And Terrible Saga Of The Northport ‘Water Park’

The suddenness of the deal, not to mention its sheer size and scope, immediately raised concerns from Northport residents, especially those living in the footprint or the periphery of a development expected to encompass roughly 100 acres in an exclusively residential part of the city and one that would likely change the entire city for better or worse if it comes to fruition.

These same concerned citizens have approached Tuscaloosa Patch at every turn asking questions about what it will do to their property values or their roads. Even still, many unsolicited questions have been asked to this reporter about who stands to benefit from such a massive project.

Before we get into our in-depth analysis of campaign finances for the current council, it should be noted that political contributions by developers and privately owned businesses are in no way illegal if they are handled appropriately and reported to the powers that be who oversee such things.

Rather, common sense logic dictates that whoever is pumping the most money into campaigns is likely to exert more influence over that individual than other contributors. It’s only fair, right?

POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEES

Perhaps the best place to embark on our journey of “following the money” can be found in the involvement and deep pockets of Political Action Committees (PACs).

It’s nothing new and PACs are in just about every political ecosystem across this great land.

Simply put for those who don’t follow politics, a PAC is a committee of individuals organized to raise and spend campaign contributions on individuals running for elected office.

PACs are governed by strict state and federal election guidelines and provide a way for those with common or shared political goals to work in a concerted effort to support candidates for office.

For the sake of our case study, though, let’s look at the years leading up to and following the 2020 municipal election in Northport.

A thorough, days-long examination of campaign finance records obtained by Patch through the Tuscaloosa County Probate Office shows a total of four PACs contributed money both to candidates running for city council and mayor in Northport that election cycle: Leadership PAC, CASH PAC, CMG PAC II and ET PAC.

Tuscaloosa political consultant Mike Echols is listed as the registered agent for each of the four PACs, which contributed funds to three candidates for city council and to mayoral candidate Bobby Herndon. Herndon also received $3,500 in two separate contributions from the much larger and more influential statewide Alabama Realtors PAC, which did not contribute to any of the candidates or challengers for city council that cycle.

In total, Herndon received the following contributions from the corresponding PACs:

These totals alone dwarf contributions received by other candidates during that cycle, but are worth mentioning both for the amounts and for those giving the money.

Using Leadership PAC as an example, campaign finance records filed with the Alabama Secretary of State’s office say the committee’s purpose is to “support fiscally conservative candidates for various political offices.”

An independent analysis of these records shows S.T. Bunn Construction Co. to be far and away the single-largest corporate contributor to this PAC from 2018 to the present, giving roughly $22,500 over the years.

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Other relevant contributors giving thousands of dollars were Echols himself and his CMG Consulting Group; Tuscaloosa engineering firm McGiffert and Associates; and Winship LLC, which names construction magnate Tim Harrison as its registered agent.

ECPR LLC is also listed among the largest contributors to the Tuscaloosa-based Leadership PAC but has since been dissolved and reported TTL, Inc. Chief Operating Officer Jason Walker as its registered agent and longtime TTL President Dean McClure as a registered member.

One of the more illuminating aspects of our deep dive into campaign contributions from PACs and developers, though, may come as a surprise considering most of the biggest players behind the four PACs previously mentioned are mostly the same — representing a kind of local cartel of deep-pocketed developers and related associates exerting more political influence over an election cycle than the whole of the electorate.

Here’s a quick breakdown of the most relevant contributors for the other three PACs:

*Click the hyperlink to see their filings on the Alabama Secretary of State’s website.

CASH PAC:

CMG PAC II:

ET PAC:

Herndon is an appropriate example for us to start with after he told Patch last month that he resigned from office at the end of 2022 after he and City Council President Jeff Hogg were publicly at odds over the city’s appointment to the DCH Board and regarding Herndon’s ill-fated push to have the street in front of his business renamed “Benevolent Way.”

Herndon also broke his silence after the vote on the $350 million University Beach project and claimed that, just before his untimely resignation, he was beginning to feel threatened with the possibility of retaliation from politically active developers — and even from the council members they bankrolled who appear to be working on their behalf even now.

And when he realized he was no longer going to have the support in City Hall to accomplish even the most basic of goals, Herndon decided to give it up and resign instead of relegating himself to a hobbled and impotent term.

This accusation alone raises serious concerns of possible extortion on the part of city elected officials and likely does little to ease tempers in the community after the city entered into the public-private partnership agreement.

As Patch previously reported, District 2 Councilman Woodrow Washington II is the only elected official who did not accept campaign contributions large enough to top the threshold required for reporting during the last election cycle, while District 3’s Karl Wiggins was appointed to the seat after John Hinton ascended to the mayor’s office.

Other than Herndon, campaign finance records from the 2020 election show Hinton received the most PAC funding from the aforementioned contributors: Leadership PAC ($3,000); CMG PAC II ($500); ET PAC ($500); and CASH PAC ($500).

Hinton’s PAC war chest is then closely followed by Council President Jeff Hogg, who authored the “follow the money” email and has been the most vocal champion on the council for the University Beach development.

Records show Hogg received the following PAC donations during the 2020 election cycle: Leadership PAC ($2,000); CASH PAC ($1,000); CMG PAC II ($500); and ET PAC ($500).

District 1 Councilwoman and Pro Tem Christy Bobo also reported receiving $500 contributions from both CMG PAC II and ET PAC, in addition to a $500 donation from TTL’s Jason Walker and other smaller donations from Harrison Construction, Rumsey Properties and, oddly enough, Tuscaloosa Mayor Walt Maddox in the form of a $150 contribution.

Equally illuminating are the other elected officials from the Tuscaloosa metropolitan area who have benefited from these PACs. The point here, though, is that these PACs seem far more fixed on exerting political influence in Northport than anywhere else in the metro.

In the City of Tuscaloosa, for example, the conservative-leaning PACs associated directly with Mike Echols contributed money during the city’s last municipal election to Council President Kip Tyner, District 2’s Raevan Howard and District 7’s Councilor Cassius Lanier.

These PAC contributions come out to a grand total of $6,500 for the three elected officials, though, which doesn’t even equal half of the contributions those same PACs gave to Herndon during his mayoral bid in 2020.

The Tuscaloosa County Commission — the most powerful and influential elected body in the metro — also saw the PACs associated with Echols contribute to the last election campaigns for Tuscaloosa County Probate Judge Rob Robertson, District 1 Commissioner Stan Acker and District 4’s Reginald Murray, but with the totals still not even really coming close to the contributions doled out to Herndon’s campaign and others in Northport during the last cycle and taking into account that all three ran unopposed.

Indeed, this level of financial electioneering in Northport politics raises questions regarding not so much the PACs or their contributions to candidates, but the intentions and desires of the associated firms pumping money into each campaign.

It’s all legal, after all. But considering the fears expressed by Herndon, the worry of many in the community regarding the $350 million University Beach project and Hogg’s email cautioning his elected colleagues to stay on the good side of developers, the financial and political influence of these power brokers is impossible to overstate.

As those familiar with Northport politics prior to this council term are sure to attest, the faces on the council always seem to change every four to eight years, but the money behind them has been nothing if not consistent over the last few decades.

The Biggest Player?

It’s worth noting that while companies like S.T. Bunn Construction Co., Harrison Construction, TTL, Inc. and a surprisingly small group of other influential firms seem to get many of the city’s public contracts, no one other than maybe Mike Echols has put up more of his own treasure into Northport politics than developer and former DCH Healthcare Authority Board member Ron Turner.

Mostly spending time at his home on Saint Thomas Island in the Caribbean by all accounts, Turner received but did not respond to a request for comment from Tuscaloosa Patch this week.

As Patch previously reported, Turner paid out $17,500 in campaign contributions to three candidates for city council and Herndon during his 2020 mayoral bid.

Indeed, the developer pumped $10,000 into Herndon’s campaign that cycle — far and away his single-largest contribution total from an individual donor or anyone else for that matter during the election cycle. And, to Turner’s credit, he doesn’t quietly funnel his money for local races through PACs.

Instead, Turner signs his own name to the checks in most cases and doesn’t really seem interested in contributing to campaign causes in Tuscaloosa or in the county. Instead, his singular focus seems to be Northport and national candidates like U.S. Sen. Tommy Tuberville, R-Alabama.

For instance, District 3’s John Hinton, who is now Northport’s mayor, received $1,000 in individual cash contributions from Turner and $1,250 in the form of in-kind contributions given for political polling.

Turner also contributed $2,000 to the election campaign for first-term District 4 Councilwoman Jamie Dykes, who remains in office but has found herself in a position similar to that of her longtime friend and political ally Bobby Herndon. But we’ll get to that in a moment.

Perhaps his most telling involvement when thinking about present circumstances saw Turner give an individual donation of $2,000 to Hogg during the last election cycle and the two appear to have a pretty healthy relationship — as least as far as their public images are concerned.

It was Hogg’s single-largest campaign contribution from an individual, business or PAC.

In a Facebook post this week, Hogg provided an update on the progress of Diamond Jim’s & Mrs. Donna’s Steakhouse on Highway 43, relaying a message from the owners that they are working hard to begin site work and construction.

Turner commented on Hogg’s post, saying: “Thank you for your continued efforts in bringing in prospects and business to [Northport]. A normal city the size of [Northport] would have [a] full time person creating opportunities for the city. You have taken on that role. Keep making [Northport] grow, keep increasing the tax base, it is the only way to grow the city.”

Many will remember that Herndon and Dykes were close comrades in the push for the City of Northport to break away from the Tuscaloosa County School System to form its own city school district. The proposal fell flat for lack of reliable funding sources but likely would have meant some big-ticket capital projects for local developers and construction firms had it come to fruition.

Among these potential school-related projects is the construction of a new Collins-Riverside Intermediate School, which Northport City Hall insiders have said for years is a contract Turner desperately wants if it ever comes to the point where it goes out for bids.

Unfortunately for those on the Northport city school system front, this dream wouldn’t come to pass and a little more than a year later, Dykes is pretty much marooned on a political island and was the only elected official to raise any real questions about the project before voting against entering the public-private partnership agreement for University Beach LLC.

ALSO READ: Northport Councilwoman Explains Decision To Vote Against Water Park

Still, after being forced to resign as the council’s representative on the city’s Planning & Zoning Commission in May 2023, it’s this instance she cites as the true beginning of her troubles with elected colleagues on the council.

As Patch previously reported, Dykes said she was given an ultimatum by City Attorney Ron Davis to either resign from the Planning and Zoning Commission or face a public hearing and subsequent council vote to remove her from the advisory board.

She also told Patch last month that, in addition to her fears of further retaliation from other elected officials, her problems became far worse after her criticism of the efficacy of the council committee structure.

In protest of the committee system, she resigned from her two committee assignments and publicly criticized the notion that there was too much authority in the hands of too few.

This City Hall spat resulted in Dykes and her elected colleagues regularly locking horns as those other council members formed a united front against the likes of Dykes and former Mayor Bobby Herndon after the school system push failed and dust was kicked up over the city’s appointment to the DCH Board.

“It’s been hell since Bobby left,” she told Patch in late February. “City staff has never been the problem, but perception is reality for most folks and I’ve been ostracized and treated like a leper because I spoke out.”

Nevertheless, as the city moves forward on its massive $350 million resort, it’s unclear what, if any, role the aforementioned power brokers will play in its construction and all of the extensive and complicated infrastructure work that will no doubt come along with it.

But at least now, dear reader, you have a detailed and contextualized roadmap to highlight the connections and relationships so you can “follow the money” for yourself ahead of the 2025 election cycle and all of the money that is sure to be poured into it.

Have a news tip or suggestion on how I can improve Tuscaloosa Patch? Maybe you’re interested in having your business become one of the latest sponsors for Tuscaloosa Patch? Email all inquiries to me at ryan.phillips@patch.com

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